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Thoroughly revised, the Second Edition of Peace and Conflict Studies sets the new gold standard as an accessible introduction and comprehensive exploration of this vital subject. The authors share their vast knowledge and analysis about 21st-century world events – including new coverage on timely topics such as terrorism, the truth and reconciliation process, and the clash of civilizations. With an encyclopedic scope, this introductory text chronicles a plethora of important global topics from pre-history to the present.
Key Features of the Second Edition
- Includes updated chapters and examines current conflicts, including the Iraq War
- Explores the important aspects of positive peace, individual violence, nationalism, and terrorism
- Provides numerous visual aids, questions for further study, and suggested readings
- Furnishes a comprehensive range of material to enlighten and enrich future discussion and encourage further academic pursuit
Intended Audience
This text is invaluable for students and professors in peace and or conflict studies, psychology and or the sociology of peace and conflict studies, international relations, comparative politics, history, and others interested in gaining a solid foundation about the global arena.
Praise for the First Edition
"Barash and Webel have penned a masterpiece that should appeal to seasoned scholars of peace and conflict studies as well as to others who have little knowledge of this multidisciplinary field."
--Daniel J. Christie, Ohio State University
- Sales Rank: #248223 in Books
- Brand: Brand: SAGE Publications, Inc
- Published on: 2008-07-10
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 1.00" h x 7.00" w x 10.00" l, 2.03 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 544 pages
- Used Book in Good Condition
Review
"David Barash and Charles Webel have intentionally minimized the use of technical language in this text. They have, as a result, produced an accessible work that deals with complex issues with a simplicity and clarity that is nevertheless profound. Ably surveying the terrain, the book is steeped in history and conversant with the current global political scene, including issues of natural resources, the economy and climate change." (Joshua Habimana Times Higher Education 2009-09-17)
About the Author
David P. Barash (Ph.D., University of Wisconsin) has been with the Department of Psychology at the University of Washington since 1973. His studies span animal behavior and social psychology, with concentrations in sociobiology, psychological aspects of the arms race and nuclear war, peace studies, and animal behavior and evolution. A prolific author, he has written more than 250 technical articles and 31 books ranging from monographs to college textbooks to popular trade titles. His book, Introduction to Peace Studies (1991), was the first comprehensive undergraduate textbook in the field of Peace Studies.
Charles Webel (Ph.D., University of California, Berkeley) is professor at the University of New York, Prague. A three-time Fulbright Scholar and graduate of the Psychoanalytic Institute of Northern California, Webel has pursued post-doctoral studies at Harvard University, the Max Planck Institute, and the Universities of Paris, Frankfurt, and Heidelberg. He recently taught in the Peace and Conflict Studies Program at Berkeley and the Honors College of University of South Florida. He is the author or editor of seven books.
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
PREFACE
Welcome to Peace and Conflict Studies. We have written this book out of confidence that this recent discipline has acquired the academic legitimacy and political efficacy of other scholarly pursuits. Certainly, it has long had the necessary intellectual substance, as well as relevance for students, scholars, social activists, and decision makers.
This is a rather long book, but we don’t apologize. Its length is not unusual, for example, when compared with introductory textbooks in other mainstream subjects such as psychology, philosophy, chemistry, and economics. Because Peace and Conflict Studies is intended as a text primarily for undergraduate students, we have sought to emphasize important themes and readability rather than immersion in the technical literature. On the other hand, our impression is that many North American college students—even those interested in the study and pursuit of peace—tend, regrettably, to be uninformed about history, often presuming that peace as an issue began with the nuclear freeze movement in the 1980s, or at most during the Vietnam War. Hence, we have been relatively generous with historical material, to supplement and if possible deepen the reader’s appreciation of current issues, such as civil wars involving nationalism and “ethnic cleansing,” nuclear proliferation, international law, world poverty, and pressing environmental concerns.
It is a cliche—often trotted out at graduation ceremonies—that “you (i.e., the graduating students) have reached a crossroad,” requiring important, life-defining choices. Well, all of us—that is, human beings—have in fact reached such a crossroad, although perhaps humanity is always approaching one choice point or another. Our global situation seems constructed of equal parts danger and opportunity: opportunity because the world is no longer hostage to the paralyzing effects of the debilitating U.S.-Soviet conflict formerly known as the Cold War, but also danger because the risk of mass destruction still looms. There is also an array of additional threats to our species and our planet: sometimes overt and violent, sometimes covert and insidious. Added to this is a growing sense of complacency, at least on the part of many relatively affluent citizens of the United States and other Western countries.
We need to point out, as well, that our interest in this project goes beyond mere scholarship, pedagogy, or even our (presumably) enlightened self-interest as world citizens. Thus, we are personally committed to the social and political goals of Peace and Conflict Studies. The field itself differs from most other human sciences in that it is value oriented, and unabashedly so. Accordingly, we wish to be up front about our own values, which are frankly antiwar, antiviolence, antinuclear, antiauthoritarian, antiestablishment, proenvironment, pro-human rights, pro-social justice, propeace, and politically progressive. At the same time, we believe that emotional and political efforts at personal and social transformation are most effective if they build on serious intellectual efforts, including an attempt to understand all sides of complex debates.
We also acknowledge that—to our chagrin—a scholarly account of such material as poverty, environmental threats, the denial of human rights, and especially war necessarily involves a degree of detached writing that can never capture the vitality of the subject matter, not to mention the ineffable horrors and terror of violence and war. We can only plead that we have done our best. We also wish to say a bit about the making of this book. Its first edition was called Introduction to Peace Studies and was written by David Barash. The book eventually went out of print, and Charles Webel contacted David about a second edition. David and Charles agreed to rewrite it as a work for a new century. The text you have in your hands is their joint product, with Charles principally responsible for revising the first half (Parts I and II) and David for the second half (Parts III and IV).
As is often the case with coauthored books, there are some unresolved, and probably unresolvable, issues connected with this work. In this case, although we agree on almost every matter discussed in this book—which is remarkable given the range and number of topics covered—we are not in complete accord about the “end of the Cold War” or the “dangers of the new technologies.” But we most emphatically agree that these important matters should be researched, discussed, and debated—as should all the vital and often controversial topics discussed in this book.
While the present book was in press, the World Trade Center in New York City and the Pentagon in Washington, D.C., were attacked, resulting in at least 4,000 deaths and unleashing enormous grief, confusion, and anger. These horrifying events, although to some degree unique, also share features with many other acts of warfare and collective violence throughout history; if anything, they make peace and conflict studies all the more relevant, especially to citizens of the United States, who have not experienced such carnage on their own soil since the Civil War.
In the aftermath, it seems more important than ever to inquire deeply into the causes of all forms of violence, whether state sponsored or not, as well as to ask about suitable responses, not only by sovereign states but also via the institutions of international law; in addition, persons concerned about peace must question seriously the morality as well as the efficacy of framing "security" in strictly military terms. Furthermore, these terrible events have emphasized the role of emotional, economic, religious, and historical factors, along with the degree to which East-West antagonisms may be eclipsed by North-South disparities and conflicts, as we enter the 21st century.
Peace has never been more important, or complicated.
We thank and applaud you for pursuing peace and conflict studies and encourage you to pursue your interest in understanding and promoting peace long after you have finished reading this book.
May peace be with you all.
DAVID P. BARASH Seattle, Washington
CHARLES P. WEBEL Berkeley, California
Most helpful customer reviews
0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
Two Stars
By Amazon Customer
School curriculum requirement.
17 of 22 people found the following review helpful.
Enormously lacking in academic rigour
By 0spinBoson
The book's blurb states the authors "present an unbiased look at issues related to peace and conflict studies to assist readers in forming personal and social opinions 'based on fact'". While I'm quite aware of the fact that blurb writers tend towards hyperbole, the authors certainly seem to care little for, at least, verifiable facts, as the book is entirely devoid of references, apart from those required for strict quotations; I've found less than a dozen mentions of researchers' names, both from their own and other fields (e.g., psychology, sociology) from which research is referenced. That this is even allowed puzzles me to no end; furthermore, there is not even a general bibliography of material used as background for writing this book.
The book is written in a quasi-narrative style, and is, as a consequence, sadly replete with sections that feel highly anecdotal in nature, a feeling that is hard to erase because they refuse to reference the social science research they're apparently referencing. This fact, along with their somewhat opinionated writing style, only helps to make me more sceptical of whatever information they're presenting, as well as convincing me that apparently they themselves don't think (methodical/verifiable) research should play a role in this field. Because of this, it only made it more annoying when I read something which to me felt like it was an odd(ly one-sided) explanation, especially because they seemed to have trouble accepting that choosing to go to war can (sometimes) be quite rational.
The authors are a psychologist/psychoanalyst/'philosopher' and an evolutionary biologist, both turned "peace researcher", and sadly, this is rather noticeable in their treatment of most other areas of research, especially when they use 'historical' examples to prove or support a point they're making: events are often presented without describing the relevant context, characterized so generally that there really is no point in referencing it at all, or sometimes just flat-out wrong.
One example of this last category is found when they state that "the defeat of the Armada in 1588 marked the end of Spain as a global power." (p.186) The sailing of the "Armada" really constituted only the first attempt to conquer England, so that, while you might call it the "beginning of the end", it certainly didn't result in the instant oblivion of the Spanish empire. While this could be seen as a minor problem if it was the exception, the issue I have with it is that they refer to research in lots of different areas of study, apparently all relevant to "peace and conflict studies", and yet, they apparently don't care enough to do even the most basic research before writing a book on it. To me, this only suggests that not even they take their own field seriously.
Continuing with my criticism, in another part of the book they ask the question whether population increases can be correlated with increased occurrence of wars, at which point they 'cite' as evidence the 100 years war as "a war that went on during the Black Plague", while the Plague arrived at least a decade after the (first phase of the) 100-years war had broken out. (p. 198) This proves absolutely nothing, especially because the 100-years war was a war with enormous pauses, whereas more recent wars have generally been shorter, and more intense, which all seem relevant considerations to me, but apparently not to the authors.
They also more than once reference "popular"/recent events without being very clear about what they're referring to specifically, which to me makes these insertions seem more like glib remarks or insider jokes than serious points they're making, which can rather confusing at times, especially when they extrapolate from anecdotes or single cases to trends. While this may sometimes lead to valid insights, it is not the way to do scientific research. (One example of this is when they allude to the YUKOS/Chodorkovsky affair. I personally don't know if Russia has done things like that before, but the reference seemed rather pointless without further explanation.)
The text also includes a discussion of Freudian/"psychoanalytic" motivation theories, which, in my opinion, should not have been included in a book printed in 2009. It was probably included in part because some researchers still take psychoanalysis seriously, but the biggest problem I have with the section is that they do not really refute this line of argument.
In order to demonstrate some of the issues I have with their writing style, consider the following passage:
"The role of individual leaders may well have been unduly glamorized, and decision makers often receive credit - and blame - they do not entirely deserve. Sometimes, leaders represent the culmination of currents within their societies, and they may catalyse other events. Nonetheless, people such as Alexander the Great, Genghis khan, Charlemagne, Joan of arc, Napoleon, Bismarck, Hitler, Stalin, de Gaulle, Mao Zedong, Saddam Hussein, and G. W. Bush, have acted as lightning rods for popular discontent, and, often, as precipitators of war. Less often have leaders of this ilk achieved renown as peacemakers." (p.171)
There are a number of problems with this: First off, what's with the banalities? This book says it will explain stuff relevant to understanding why wars and peaces happen. However, you can't really explain things using unsubstantiated generalities (the book is rather lacking in references).
Secondly, what kind of logic/criterion was used to assemble this list? Joan of Arc, Charlemagne, Genghis Khan seem like fairly distinct and different figures, living in different times, leading or living amongst different peoples who experienced different problems, and yet, the authors seem to imply that somehow all of the mentioned "strong leaders" were "lightning rods for [some sort of otherwise unspecified:] popular discontent", and further that leaders of "this ilk" were relatively uninterested in making "peace". One, fairly obvious, reason why none of these people were known as peacemakers was because they didn't insert any peacemakers into this listing. Seriously, what connects Genghis Khan to Joan of Arc, De Gaulle and Charlemagne? They're not even all war starters (esp. Joan). So what does it mean to talk about people of "their ilk"?
Thirdly, and more profoundly, as the authors themselves have argued in different sections of this book, peace is not always a rational choice, nor is war necessarily horrendously "bad", let alone "evil". Should Joan of Arc have chosen not to fight, and let France be ruled by England? Should Alexander have stayed home and let the Persians take over Greece some time down the road? I haven't the faintest why the authors think the answer to this question is obvious, yet they don't reference any other research (e.g., research that shows how Alexander or Genghis Khan served as a "lightning rod" for "public discontent"), nor do they explain why it is relevant to worry about the "ilk" of the leaders. I have no problem with the suggestion that it is possible for leaders to lead people in a certain direction, but what does all the other stuff have to do with that statement being true or not?
Now, I'm fine with writers using anecdotes, even slightly unfair ones, but presenting tendentious remarks like that as though they're deep insights worth pondering seems trite at best, and not at all appropriate for a putatively academic text. One doesn't read a work like this to be entertained or overawed, one reads this because one expects a rigorous if not exhaustive analysis of the relevant factors at play.
At the bottom of the page we find another, rather odd statement, with which they are apparently trying to tell us something: "many leaders may be moved by the desire to go down in history as peacemakers." (ibid.) Now, one of the key "problems" with "war" is that it sometimes can be advisable, or even required (to ensure your group's survival) to go to war. War is not necessarily evil, and, as such, it is only politically 'good' for you to 'go down in history as a peacemaker' when there is popular support for such a move; yet they seem to think it 'obvious' that every population would prefer this.
Their economic commentary is at times downright ridiculous:
"governments typically obtain military forces by paying for them."
[...]
"Military spending is perhaps the most inflationary way for a government to spend money. By using up major resources without producing consumable goods, military spending reduces supply while also increasing demand for raw materials, thereby contributing doubly to inflation. Moreover, costs tend to rise yet further when the supply of money and credit increases without corresponding increases in productivity." (p.210)
I have, quite honestly, absolutely no idea what they're trying to tell me here. I included the first line only to show you how lazy their editors were, but if we look at the second line, they seem to be saying something about credit simultaneously in- and decreasing, and that the money, while being spent, is not received by anyone. Yet earlier, they told the readers about how Haliburton made a killing providing services to the government. I am unsure how to combine those two facts, and I'm equally unsure what to make of their suggestion that money spent on capital intensive goods causes more inflation than money spent otherwise. Why do these statements not deserve more of an explanation? I am, in any case, at a loss in trying to figure out what they mean. Lastly, where does the stated "increase in the supply of money and credit" come from?
Conclusion:
While the book at first appears to be highly organized, after reading it 1.5 times for a course, I've come to the conclusion that the text contains an enormous number of redundant passages, as well as information that is presented in different sections of the book when it would have been far more logical to put them together. Furthermore, literally dozens of (sub)sections contain paragraphs that present points that are entirely unrelated to the section heading under which they are presented.
Extrapolating from this, far too little time was spent weeding out redundant passages like the one cited here, and the reader is, throughout the book, confronted with a veritable deluge of weasel words (especially "may be", "may have", "could be", "has possibly", and worst of all "perhaps") employed in order to "make points" without really making them, or at least without having to defend them. (The most painful, and one of the most irrelevant ones, was probably "The Earth's protective ozone layer has been thinning, perhaps dangerously." p.399) It's not clear to me at all why statements phrased that way should even be allowed to be in academic texts, let alone why they belong there, as they have very little explanatory value, and are often little more than (redundant) restatements of points made earlier, presented in the form of a conclusion.
The book as a whole certainly contains some useful information and insights, but there sadly is also an enormous amount of fluff, which are presented as equally valid.
While the scope of the book is certainly broad, it's terribly lacking in academic rigour. And although I'm sympathetic to the authors' plight, I cannot seriously recommend this book to anyone.
7 of 16 people found the following review helpful.
Errors in Environmental Section
By J. T. Myers
I have not read the book other than the section on envrionmental conflicts, where there is a basic, and fundamental, error. The author calls "use of resources" a tragedy of the commons. In fact, as long as there are clear property rights to resources this is incorrect. The authors write "It may be inconvenient to recycle and, in fact, easier for individuals simply to throw their garbage away, or to use more than their share of scarce commodities." This, however, is not based on the tragedy of the commons but an arbitrary concept of fair share. This is ideology masquerading as analysis.
Many have claimed to know what the proper level of resource use is and promised that the end was near due to overuse. These predictions have universally proven false because the price mechanism is far superior to any claim to knowledge by doomsaying professors. If the rest of the book is based on simliar thinking, it is useful only in reifying a particular ideology but probabaly offers few insights.
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